International Petition to Egyptian NHCR and Regime: Stop the Death of Abdallah Al Shamy and Mohamed Sultan - Transfer and Release Them Now

[Prison bars. Image by Michael Coghlan via Flickr] [Prison bars. Image by Michael Coghlan via Flickr]

International Petition to Egyptian NHCR and Regime: Stop the Death of Abdallah Al Shamy and Mohamed Sultan - Transfer and Release Them Now

By : Jadaliyya Reports

[The following petition is being circulated internationally both to raise awareness and solicit signatures. Click here to view the signatories and add your name to the petition.]

To the Egyptian Human Rights Council:

Transfer Abdallah El Shamy (Al Jazeera Journalist) and Mohamed Sultan (son of Muslim preacher) to a hospital before they die in prison and release them urgently

We, citizens of the international community, are demanding that you take immediate action to ensure the safety and welfare of Abdallah al-Shami and Muhammad Salah Sultan, who are both on a hunger strike in the Egyptian Aqrab Maximum Security Prison.

While we are very concerned about the apparent erosion of due process in Egypt over the last months, we are now extremely concerned that Mr al-Shami and Mr Sultan may die. These two young men have found it necessary to use their weapon of last resort – hunger strike – in their attempt to secure a fair hearing.

Abdallah al-Shami is a journalist with al-Jazeera. He was arrested on August 14, 2013 while covering the break-up of the Rabaa sit-in. After 5 months, on January 21 2014 he started a hunger strike in protest against being held without charge and without evidence. His imprisonment has been repeatedly extended, the latest time, on the 3rd of May, for 45 more days. His health has deteriorated badly but the Prison Authority has seen fit to send him to solitary confinement. They have revoked his exercise of rights and prevented him from receiving visits or talking with other people. In fact the Authority has found it reasonable to close the small hatch in his cell door. The Authority has also tried to force-feed him and has coerced him into being photographed with items of food at his side. Mr al-Shami has lost 40 kilograms in weight. His blood tests - run at a private clinic at his own expense - show severe anaemia and a malfunctioning of the kidneys. We believe that his life is in danger.

Muhammad Sultan started his hunger strike on January 26, 2014 when his imprisonment was renewed repeatedly with no charges and no evidence. He was taken from his home on August 27, 2013, when the police broke into the house to arrest his father. They did not find the father but they took the son. Mr Sultan is now on day 105 of his hunger strike. He has lost over 45 kilograms in weight, his blood glucose is down to 40. He is in danger of death through haemorrhage or a diabetes coma.

Two men who have not been convicted - in fact one of them has not even been charged - are about to die in an Egyptian prison. It is urgent that you do not to allow this crime to take place. We ask that both men be transferred immediately to hospital preparatory to their urgent release.

The international community places itself firmly in support of Egyptian citizens who have been trying to secure the fair and humane treatment of detainees.

[Click here to view the list of signatories and add your name to it]

Past is Present: Settler Colonialism Matters!

On 5-6 March 2011, the Palestine Society at the School of Oriental and African Studies (SOAS) in London will hold its seventh annual conference, "Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine." This year`s conference aims to understand Zionism as a settler colonial project which has, for more than a century, subjected Palestine and Palestinians to a structural and violent form of destruction, dispossession, land appropriation and erasure in the pursuit of a new Jewish Israeli society. By organizing this conference, we hope to reclaim and revive the settler colonial paradigm and to outline its potential to inform and guide political strategy and mobilization.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is often described as unique and exceptional with little resemblance to other historical or ongoing colonial conflicts. Yet, for Zionism, like other settler colonial projects such as the British colonization of Ireland or European settlement of North America, South Africa or Australia, the imperative is to control the land and its resources -- and to displace the original inhabitants. Indeed, as conference keynote speaker Patrick Wolfe, one of the foremost scholars on settler colonialism and professor at La Trobe University in Victoria, Australia, argues, "the logic of this project, a sustained institutional tendency to eliminate the Indigenous population, informs a range of historical practices that might otherwise appear distinct--invasion is a structure not an event."[i]

Therefore, the classification of the Zionist movement as a settler colonial project, and the Israeli state as its manifestation, is not merely intended as a statement on the historical origins of Israel, nor as a rhetorical or polemical device. Rather, the aim is to highlight Zionism`s structural continuities and the ideology which informs Israeli policies and practices in Palestine and toward Palestinians everywhere. Thus, the Nakba -- whether viewed as a spontaneous, violent episode in war, or the implementation of a preconceived master plan -- should be understood as both the precondition for the creation of Israel and the logical outcome of Zionist settlement in Palestine.

Moreover, it is this same logic that sustains the continuation of the Nakba today. As remarked by Benny Morris, “had he [David Ben Gurion] carried out full expulsion--rather than partial--he would have stabilised the State of Israel for generations.”[ii] Yet, plagued by an “instability”--defined by the very existence of the Palestinian nation--Israel continues its daily state practices in its quest to fulfill Zionism’s logic to maximize the amount of land under its control with the minimum number of Palestinians on it. These practices take a painful array of manifestations: aerial and maritime bombardment, massacre and invasion, house demolitions, land theft, identity card confiscation, racist laws and loyalty tests, the wall, the siege on Gaza, cultural appropriation, and the dependence on willing (or unwilling) native collaboration and security arrangements, all with the continued support and backing of imperial power. 

Despite these enduring practices however, the settler colonial paradigm has largely fallen into disuse. As a paradigm, it once served as a primary ideological and political framework for all Palestinian political factions and trends, and informed the intellectual work of committed academics and revolutionary scholars, both Palestinians and Jews.

The conference thus asks where and why the settler colonial paradigm was lost, both in scholarship on Palestine and in politics; how do current analyses and theoretical trends that have arisen in its place address present and historical realities? While acknowledging the creativity of these new interpretations, we must nonetheless ask: when exactly did Palestinian natives find themselves in a "post-colonial" condition? When did the ongoing struggle over land become a "post-conflict" situation? When did Israel become a "post-Zionist" society? And when did the fortification of Palestinian ghettos and reservations become "state-building"?

In outlining settler colonialism as a central paradigm from which to understand Palestine, this conference re-invigorates it as a tool by which to analyze the present situation. In doing so, it contests solutions which accommodate Zionism, and more significantly, builds settler colonialism as a political analysis that can embolden and inform a strategy of active, mutual, and principled Palestinian alignment with the Arab struggle for self-determination, and indigenous struggles in the US, Latin America, Oceania, and elsewhere.

Such an alignment would expand the tools available to Palestinians and their solidarity movement, and reconnect the struggle to its own history of anti-colonial internationalism. At its core, this internationalism asserts that the Palestinian struggle against Zionist settler colonialism can only be won when it is embedded within, and empowered by, the broader Arab movement for emancipation and the indigenous, anti-racist and anti-colonial movement--from Arizona to Auckland.

SOAS Palestine Society invites everyone to join us at what promises to be a significant intervention in Palestine activism and scholarship.

For over 30 years, SOAS Palestine Society has heightened awareness and understanding of the Palestinian people, their rights, culture, and struggle for self-determination, amongst students, faculty, staff, and the broader public. SOAS Palestine society aims to continuously push the frontiers of discourse in an effort to make provocative arguments and to stimulate debate and organizing for justice in Palestine through relevant conferences, and events ranging from the intellectual and political impact of Edward Said`s life and work (2004), international law and the Palestine question (2005), the economy of Palestine and its occupation (2006), the one state (2007), 60 Years of Nakba, 60 Years of Resistance (2009), and most recently, the Left in Palestine (2010).

For more information on the SOAS Palestine Society 7th annual conference, Past is Present: Settler Colonialism in Palestine: www.soaspalsoc.org

SOAS Palestine Society Organizing Collective is a group of committed students that has undertaken to organize annual academic conferences on Palestine since 2003.

 


[i] Patrick Wolfe, Settler Colonialism and the Transformation of Anthropology: The Politics and Poetics of an Ethnographic Event, Cassell, London, p. 163

[ii] Interview with Benny Morris, Survival of the Fittest, Haaretz, 9. January 2004, http://cosmos.ucc.ie/cs1064/jabowen/IPSC/php/art.php?aid=5412